Published:
Thursday, 4 December, 2008
Your Excellency, Mr. President, Honorable Members of the Parliament,
ladies and gentlemen.
It is a great honour to speak before you today and I thank you for
your invitation. Wherever I go, my main interest or commitment is in
the promotion of human values such as warm heartedness – this is
what I consider the key factor for a happy life at the individual
level, family level and community level. In our modern times, it
seems that insufficient attention is paid to these inner values.
Promoting them is therefore my number one commitment.
My
second interest or commitment is the promotion of inter-religious
harmony. We accept the need for pluralism in politics and democracy,
yet we often seem more hesitant about the plurality of faiths and
religions. Despite their different concepts and philosophies, all
major religious traditions bear the same messages of love,
compassion, tolerance, contentment and self-discipline. They are also
similar in having the potential to help human beings lead happier
lives. So these two are my main interests and commitments.
Of course the issue of Tibet is also of particular concern to me and
I have a special responsibility to the people of Tibet, who continue
to place their hope and trust in me during this most difficult period
in the history of Tibet. The welfare of the Tibetan people is my
constant motivation and I consider myself to be their free
spokesperson in exile.
The last time I had the privilege to address the European Parliament
(EP), on October 24, 2001, I stated, “despite some development and
economic progress, Tibet continues to face fundamental problems of
survival. Serious violations of human rights are widespread
throughout Tibet and are often the result of policies of racial and
cultural discrimination. Yet, they are only the symptoms and
consequences of a deeper problem. The Chinese authorities view
Tibet’s distinct culture and religion as the source of threat of
separation. Hence as a result of deliberate policies an entire people
with its unique culture and identity are facing the threat of
extinction".
Since March this year, Tibetans from all walks of life and across the
entire Tibetan plateau demonstrated against the oppressive and
discriminatory policies of the Chinese authorities in Tibet. With
full awareness of the imminent danger to their lives, Tibetans from
all across Tibet known as Cholka-Sum (U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo), young
and old, men and women, monastic and lay people, believer and
non-believers, including students, came together to spontaneously and
courageously express their anguish, dissatisfaction and genuine
grievances at the policies of the Chinese government. I have been
deeply saddened by the loss of life, both Tibetan and Chinese, and
immediately appealed to the Chinese authorities for restraint. Since
the Chinese authorities have blamed me for orchestrating the recent
events in Tibet, I have made repeated appeals for an independent and
respected international body to conduct a thorough investigation into
the matter, including inviting them to Dharamsala, India. If the
Chinese government has any evidence to support such serious
allegations, they must disclose it to the world.
Sadly, the Chinese authorities have resorted to brutal methods to
deal with the situation in Tibet, despite appeals by many world
leaders, NGOs and personalities of international standing to avoid
violence and show restraint. In the process, a large number of
Tibetans have been killed, thousands injured and detained. There are
many whose fate remains completely unknown. Even as I stand here
before you, in many parts of Tibet there is a huge presence of armed
police and military. In many areas Tibetans continue to suffer under
a state of de-facto martial law. There is an atmosphere of angst and
intimidation. Tibetans in Tibet live in a constant state of fear of
being the next to be arrested. With no international observers,
journalists or even tourists allowed into many parts of Tibet, I am
deeply worried about the fate of the Tibetans. Presently, the Chinese
authorities have a completely free hand in Tibet. It is as though
Tibetans face a death sentence, a sentence aimed at wiping out the
spirit of the Tibetan people.
Many honorable members of the EP are well aware of my consistent
efforts to find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibet problem
through dialogue and negotiations. In this spirit, in 1988 at the
European Parliament in Strasbourg I presented a formal proposal for
negotiations that does not call for separation and independence of
Tibet. Since then, our relations with the Chinese government have
taken many twists and turns. After an interruption of nearly 10
years, in 2002 we re-established direct contact with the Chinese
leadership. Extensive discussions have been held between my envoys
and representatives of the Chinese leadership. In these discussions
we have put forth clearly the aspirations of the Tibetan people. The
essence of my Middle Way Approach is to secure genuine autonomy for
the Tibetan people within the scope of the Constitution of the PRC.
During
the seventh round of talks in Beijing on 1st
and 2nd July
this year, the Chinese side invited us to present our views on the
form of genuine autonomy. Accordingly, on 31st
October 2008 we presented to the Chinese leadership the Memorandum on
Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People. Our memorandum puts forth
our position on genuine autonomy and how the basic needs of the
Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government can be met. We
have presented these suggestions with the sole purpose of making a
sincere effort to address the real problems in Tibet. We were
confident that given goodwill, the issues raised in our memorandum
could be implemented.
Unfortunately, the Chinese side has rejected our memorandum in its
totality, branding our suggestions as an attempt at
“semi-independence” and “independence in disguise” and, for
that reason, unacceptable. Moreover, the Chinese side is accusing us
of "ethnic cleansing" because our memorandum calls for the
recognition of the right of autonomous areas "to regulate the
residence, settlement and employment or economic activities of
persons who wish to move to Tibetan areas from other parts of the
PRC."
We have made it clear in our memorandum that our intention is not to
expel non-Tibetans. Our concern is the induced mass movement of
primarily Han, but also some other nationalities, into many Tibetan
areas, which in turn marginalizes the native Tibetan population and
threatens Tibet’s fragile natural environment. Major demographic
changes that result from massive migration will lead to the
assimilation rather than integration of the Tibetan nationality into
the PRC and gradually lead to the extinction of the distinct culture
and identity of the Tibetan people.
The cases of the peoples of Manchuria, Inner Mongolia and East
Turkestan in the PRC are clear examples of the devastating
consequences of a massive population transfer of the dominant Han
nationality upon the minority nationalities. Today, the language,
script and culture of the Manchu people have become extinct. In Inner
Mongolia today, only 20% are native Mongolians out of a total
population of 24 million.
Despite the assertions by some hard-line Chinese officials to the
contrary, from the copies of our memorandum made available to you it
is clear that we have sincerely addressed the concerns of the Chinese
government about the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
PRC. The memorandum is self-explanatory. I would welcome your
comments and suggestions.
I take this opportunity to appeal to the European Union and the
Parliament to use your good offices, sparing no efforts, to persuade
the Chinese leadership to resolve the issue of Tibet through earnest
negotiations for the common good of the Tibetan and Chinese peoples
.
While I firmly reject the use of violence as a means in our struggle,
we certainly have the right to explore all other political options
available to us. In the spirit of democracy, I called for a Special
Meeting of Tibetans in exile to discuss the state of Tibetan people
and the state of the issue of Tibet and the future course of our
movement. The meeting took place from November 17-22, 2008 in
Dharamsala, India. The failure of the Chinese leadership to respond
positively to our initiatives has reaffirmed the suspicion held by
many Tibetans that the Chinese government has no interest whatsoever
in any kind of mutually acceptable solution. Many Tibetans continue
to believe that the Chinese leadership is bent on the forceful and
complete assimilation and absorption of Tibet into China. They
therefore call for the complete independence of Tibet. Others
advocate the right to self-determination and a referendum in Tibet.
Despite these different views, the delegates to the Special Meeting
unanimously resolved to empower me to decide the best approach, in
accordance with the prevailing situation and the changes taking place
in Tibet, China and the wider world. I will study the suggestions
made by about 600 leaders and delegates from Tibetan communities
around the world, including views we are able to gather from a cross
section of Tibetans in Tibet.
I am a staunch believer in democracy. Consequently, I have
consistently encouraged Tibetans in exile to follow the democratic
process. Today, the Tibetan refugee community may be among the few
refugee communities that have established all three pillars of
democracy: legislature, judiciary and executive. In 2001, we took
another great stride in the process of democratization by having the
chairman of the Kashag (cabinet) of the Tibetan Administration in
exile elected by popular vote.
I have always maintained that ultimately the Tibetan people must be
able to decide the future of Tibet. As Pandit Nehru, the first Prime
Minister of India, stated in the Indian Parliament on December 7,
1950: “The last voice in regard to Tibet should be the voice of the
people of Tibet and nobody else.
The issue of Tibet has dimensions and implications that go well
beyond the fate of six million Tibetans. Tibet is situated between
India and China. For centuries Tibet acted as a peaceful buffer zone
separating the two most populated countries on earth. However, in
1962, only a few years after the so-called “peaceful liberation of
Tibet” the world witnessed the first ever war between the two Asian
giants. This clearly shows the importance of a just and peaceful
resolution of the Tibet question in ensuring lasting and genuine
trust and friendship between the two most powerful nations of Asia.
The Tibetan issue is also related to Tibet’s fragile environment,
which scientists have concluded, has an impact on much of Asia
involving billions of people. The Tibetan plateau is the source of
many of Asia’s greatest rivers. Tibet’s glaciers are the earth’s
largest ice mass outside the Poles. Some environmentalists today
refer to Tibet as the Third Pole. And, if the present warming trend
continues the Indus River might dry up within the next 15-20 years.
Furthermore, Tibet’s cultural heritage is based on Buddhism’s
principle of compassion and non-violence. Thus, it concerns not just
the six million Tibetans, but also the over 13 million people across
the Himalayas, Mongolia and in the Republics of Kalmykia and Buryat
in Russia, including a growing number of Chinese brothers and sisters
who share this culture, which has the potential to contribute to a
peaceful and harmonious world.
My maxim has always been to hope for the best and to prepare for the
worst. With this in mind, I have counseled the Tibetans in exile to
make more rigorous efforts in educating the younger generation of
Tibetans, in strengthening our cultural and religious institutions in
exile with the aim of preserving our rich cultural heritage, and in
expanding and strengthening the democratic institutions and civil
society among the Tibetan refugee community. One of the main
objectives of our exile community is to preserve our cultural
heritage where there is the freedom to do so and to be the free voice
of our captive people inside Tibet. The tasks and challenges we face
are daunting. As a refugee community, our resources are naturally
limited. We Tibetans also need to face the reality that our exile may
last for a longer time. I would therefore be grateful to the European
Union for assistance in our educational and cultural endeavors.
I have no doubt that the principled and consistent engagement of the
EP with China will impact the process of change that is already
taking place in China. The global trend is towards more openness,
freedom, democracy and respect for human rights. Sooner or later,
China will have to follow the world trend. In this context, I wish to
commend the EP for awarding the prestigious Sakharov Prize to the
Chinese human rights defender Hu Jia. It is an important signal as we
watch China rapidly moving forward. With its newfound status, China
is poised to play an important leading role on the world stage. In
order to fulfill this role, I believe it is vital for China to have
openness, transparency, rule of law and freedom of information and
thought. There is no doubt that the attitudes and policies of members
of the international community towards China will impact the course
of the change taking place in China as much as domestic events and
developments.
In contrast to the continued extremely rigid attitude of the Chinese
government towards Tibet, fortunately among the Chinese people –
especially among the informed and educated Chinese circles – there
is a growing understanding and sympathy for the plight of the Tibetan
people. Although my faith in the Chinese leadership with regard to
Tibet is becoming thinner and thinner, my faith in the Chinese people
remains unshaken. I have therefore been advising the Tibetan people
to make concerted efforts to reach out to the Chinese people. Chinese
intellectuals openly criticized the harsh crackdown of Tibetan
demonstrations by the Chinese government in March this year and
called for restraint and dialogue in addressing the problems in
Tibet. Chinese lawyers offered publicly to represent arrested Tibetan
demonstrators at trials. Today, there is growing understanding,
sympathy, support and solidarity among our Chinese brothers and
sisters for the difficult situation of the Tibetans and their
legitimate aspirations. This is most encouraging. I take this
opportunity to thank the brave Chinese brothers and sisters for their
solidarity.
I also thank the European Parliament for the consistent display of
concern and support for the just and non-violent Tibetan struggle.
Your sympathy, support and solidarity have always been a great source
of inspiration and encouragement to the Tibetan people, both in and
outside of Tibet. I would like to express special thanks to the
members of the Tibet Inter-Group of the EP, who have made the tragedy
of the Tibetan people not only a focus of their political work but
also a cause of their hearts. The many resolutions of the EP on the
issue of Tibet have helped greatly to highlight the plight of the
Tibetan people and to raise the awareness of the issue of Tibet
amongst the public and in governments here in Europe, and all around
the world .
The consistency of the European Parliament’s support for Tibet has
not gone unnoticed in China. I regret where this has caused some
tensions in EU-China relations. However, I wish to share with you my
sincere hope and belief that the future of Tibet and China will move
beyond mistrust to a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and
recognition of common interest – irrespective of the current very
grim situation inside Tibet and the deadlock in the dialogue process
between my envoys and the Chinese leadership. I have no doubt that
your continued expressions of concern and support for Tibet will, in
the long run, have a positive impact and help create the necessary
political environment for a peaceful resolution of the issue of
Tibet. Your continued support is, therefore, critical.
I
thank you for the honor to share my thoughts with you.
THE
DALAI LAMA